William Cafaro by cjleclaire
Employment Law,Medical Malpractice,Personal Injury Lawyers
May 17, 2016 | 8004 views | 0 0 comments | 159 159 recommendations | email to a friend | print | permalink

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What are the Real Issues in the Sofia Vergara Embryo Lawsuits
by cjleclaire
Sep 14, 2017 | 6389 views | 1 1 comments | 696 696 recommendations | email to a friend | print | permalink

by Bill Cafaro

How Have the Cases in Other States Been Coming Out? What are the Rules?

Sofia Vergara, one of the most beautiful women in the world and one of the highest paid women in television[1] was engaged until 2014 to Nick Loeb, the son of a diplomat and philanthropist, great grand-nephew of former New York governor and banking heir Herbert H. Lehman, and cousin of the heir to the Seagram fortune, who admitted that even she thought he was a “dorky guy”.

 

 

 

 

 

They wanted children but she wanted a surrogate to carry the pregnancy to term, so they went through IVF treatment. The first time, one implantation failed, and the surrogate miscarried. They went for a second egg retrieval, resulting in two female embryos,[2] which were cryogenically frozen. After they split up, he wanted the embryos to implant in a surrogate mother, which she refused to allow. Each time she had undergone IVF treatment, they both signed consent forms at the IVF facility which did not specifically say what would happen if they separated, which is required by California law,[3]  but they did say that they would only be implanted if both of them agreed to it.

Why Drag This Through the Courts?

Her lawyers say that Loeb is just trying to keep himself in the public eye, that he had always used her celebrity status to promote his hot dog condiment business[4], and that if he really wanted a family, he should hire a surrogate and an egg donor without unnecessary legal battles. He says that his position is not just about saving lives; it is also about being pro-parent. However, these cases are not really right to life cases, because the chance of successful implantation of viable frozen embryos is a subject of scientific debate, but from a 40 year old egg donor, probably somewhere in the range of around 30% to 40%[5]

Loeb’s Two Previous Girlfriends Who Had Abortions

In the second case Loeb brought against Vergara in California, her lawyers asked to question two previous girlfriends who had aborted pregnancies fathered by Loeb, to try to show that his pro-parent beliefs were not as sincere as he claimed. Vergara won on this issue, and the California judge ordered Loeb to tell her the names of the two prior girlfriends, and also ruled that Vergara’s lawyers could question them under oath. Loeb publicly said he would go to jail before he revealed their names, and apparently abandoned the lawsuit rather so he would not have to obey the judge’s order.

A woman is entitled to bring a pregnancy to term even if the man objects. Shouldn’t a man who is willing to take on all parental responsibilities be similarly entitled to bring his embryos to term even if the woman objects? 

What are the Rules?

There is no federal law in this area, so it depends on what state you live in. Most courts will generally follow the directives on the forms the couple signed at the IVF center, however, the result might have been different if Loeb and Vergara had been married, because they lived in California, a community property state. Embryos clearly are viewed as property in New York, and in a New York case[6] very similar to this one, the wife was denied the right to thaw the embryos over the husband’s objection, based upon the form she had signed. In both New York and California, the egg and the sperm donor are considered parents and have all parental obligations, including all the financial support obligations they would have for their own biological child, even if the embryo was thawed and implanted over their objection. For this reason, most courts are very reluctant to impose the burden of unwanted fatherhood upon the man, which is sought by the wife in most of the cases that have been brought. On the other hand, people who start IVF treatment which results in a live birth will generally be shouldered with parental obligations even if they are not the biological donors. In one California case[7], a couple consented to IVF treatment with anonymous egg and sperm donors, and contracted with a surrogate who carried the baby to term, and the father filed for divorce a week before the birth. The wife, over the husband’s objection, sued to have them both declared the legal parents of the child, which the court refused to do because neither of them had any biological connection to the child. However, on appeal, it was held that they were both the legal parents of the child, reasoning that it would generally be in the best interests of the child to have a rule giving parental rights to the people who set the process in motion. This would also take the burden of support away from the taxpayers. While the father in that California case clearly did not want parental support obligations, the court quoted another case which had observed that “a deliberate procreator is as responsible as a casual inseminator” [8].

Sofia Vergara Gets Cajun Justice

Louisiana law, unlike any other state, has a specific law giving embryos rights as legal persons[9], and the judges will resolve any disputes between the “parents” about the embryo in the best interests of the embryo[10], in the same way that judges in all other states decide custody cases in the best interests of the child. For this reason, Loeb filed  another lawsuit in the names of the embryos only, against Vergara in Lousiana state court, and Vergara transferred[11]  the case to the federal court in Lousiana. “Diversity Jurisdiction” in federal court means that the lawsuit is between citizens of different states, and the amount in dispute is greater than $75,000. No federal judge can decide any case without first finding that there is federal jurisdiction, so to decide this, the judge had to decide if the embryos were citizens, even though they were created in a state that did not give them legal status. First, no one knows if embryos can be “citizens” for federal jurisdictional purposes, and no one, let alone a judge, has ever placed a dollar value on an embryo, so how could a judge possibly fix a value in a court case?  The case also presented constitutional questions concerning procreation rights, and whether federal law “preempts” (takes precedence over) the Louisiana state laws giving rights to embryos from artificial insemination, because under Louisiana law embryos cannot be intentionally destroyed. The judge observed that all these difficult questions could be avoided by first deciding whether Sofia Vergara could be sued in the state of Louisiana at all in the first place. Any court, state or federal, needs some specific basis to make anyone answer and defend a lawsuit in any state where they don’t live or have a business[12]. This rule is called personal jurisdiction, and this is what gives the court legal power over anyone who is being sued. In this case, Sofia Vergara lived in California and had the IVF treatment which created the embryos there, she had never lived in Louisiana, she had only made a movie there and rented a house there for a few months. Even if she had, as Loeb claimed, had some conversations with him about the embryos there and that they had planned to live there in the future, that would not be enough to force her to defend any lawsuit in Louisiana. The judge therefore dismissed the lawsuit against her, because she did not have enough “minimum contacts” with Louisiana to make her defend a lawsuit there. This rule makes sense because it would be fundamentally unfair, for example, to make someone who lives in New York defend a lawsuit in Alaska. While it might sound like the judge was being lazy in dodging these tough questions, she was not – there are rules[13] in place that required her to do this, because judges are not supposed to make difficult, novel decisions where the case can be completed decided by ruling on the simple issues first. Because it has already been held that Vergara cannot be sued in any court in Louisiana, he cannot sue in any Louisiana court again; if he wanted to challenge that result, he would have to appeal from the decision dismissing the case, and it does not appear that he has done so. Loeb is a wealthy man, and can certainly afford to pay lawyers to file another lawsuit, but it looks like he has exhausted all of his available legal options, and if he files any other lawsuits in California or in Louisiana, a judge could find them to be frivolous, meaning baseless with no real legal argument which has any chance to succeed and sanctions, (fines) could be imposed on Loeb and/or his lawyers.

How Have the Cases in Other States Been Coming Out?

At the end of the day, in almost all of the reported cases in the country, judges have honored the choices the couple made on the forms they signed at the in vitro facilities at the time, but the courts are very reluctant to make someone become a parent against their wishes. The Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts has said that even if the signed forms required one of the parties to become a parent against their will, this could not be enforced because it would be against public policy[14]. Cases in which there were no signed forms or presented circumstances not covered by the forms have used a “balancing approach” between the interests of the parties. In one case in Pennsylvania[15], the embryos were frozen and the husband and wife divorced. They had not signed the form saying what would happen in the event of divorce. The wife wanted to keep the embryos but the husband, who had remarried and had a child with another woman, wanted them thawed and destroyed. The Pennsylvania court said that ordinarily, no one should be made a parent over their objection, but the wife had undergone extensive chemotherapy and radiation treatment for cancer, and was obviously unable to be a biological parent without the embryos. In that case, the court found that the wife’s interest in the embryos, which were property subject to “equitable distribution” after a divorce, outweighed the husband’s interest in not becoming a parent. In another case in Illinois[16], the woman, a doctor who had been diagnosed with cancer, underwent IVF with her boyfriend before beginning her chemotherapy treatment, which she knew would cause ovarian failure and destroy any possibility of her conceiving a child naturally. The forms they signed said that if they could not agree on what should happen, that the embryos should be donated to another couple. Again, because of the woman’s complete inability to become a biological parent, the Illinois court found that there was a verbal agreement between the parties that was not changed by what they signed on the forms.

The result might have been different in the Sofia Vergara case if Loeb had been able show that it was biologically impossible for him to father another child, but we will never know.

[1] Besides earning $325,000 per episode for “Modern Family”, she does extremely lucrative endorsements. A selfie posted on her social media account was used without her permission in an advertisement, which prompted a $15M lawsuit, alleging that this is what she normally gets for an endorsement. While the amount of the settlement against Venus Legacy in March, 2017 was confidential, it was certainly a respectable sum.

[2] “Embryo” is a technical misnomer in these cases. These are actually fertilized ovum, which are more accurately referred to as pre-embryos which can develop into embryos if successfully implanted in a female uterus.

[3] Cal. Health & Safety Code § 125315(b)(3).

[4] Loeb’s Crunchy Condiments

[5] https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/24365019

[6] Kass v. Kass, 91 N.Y.2d 554 (1998).

[7] In re Marriage of Buzzanca, 61 Cal. App. 4th 1410, (Cal. App. 4th Dist. Mar. 10, 1998).

[8] Michael U. v. Jamie B., 39 Cal. 3d 787, 1985 Cal. LEXIS 336 (Cal. Sept. 19, 1985).

[9] An in vitro fertilized human ovum is a juridical person, La. Revised Statutes § 9:123.

[10] La. Revised Statutes § 9:131.

[11] Although Loeb filed a lawsuit in the names of the Embryos is the Louisiana State court in the Parish of Jefferson, Vergara removed the case on diversity grounds, 28 U.S.C. 1441, to federal Court in the Eastern District of Louisiana  Human Embryo #4 HB-A v. Vergara, Civ-17-1498 Section “S” (1)(E.D. La. 2017) based on diversity jurisdiction, 28 USC § 1332.

[12] The defendant has to have “minimum contacts” (“presence” ) within the state where they are being sued so making them defend a lawsuit there does not offend traditional notions of fair play and substantial justice, Int’l Shoe Co. v. Wash., 326 U.S. 310, 316-317, 66 S. Ct. 154, 158, 90 L. Ed. 95, 102, 1945 U.S. LEXIS 1447, *13, 161 A.L.R. 1057 (U.S. Dec. 3, 1945). This rule was made much stricter in the New York federal courts when the case against the PLO for terrorist attacks was dismissed because the federal appeals court found there was no “personal jurisdiction” over the PLO. Waldman v. PLO, 835 F.3d 317, (2d Cir. 2016).

[13] This is called “judicial economy and restraint”, see,  Ruhrgas Ag v. Marathon Oil Co., 526 U.S. 574, (1999); Alpine View Co. v. Atlas Copco AB, 205 F.3d 208, 213-214, (5th Cir. 2000).

[14] A.Z. v. B.Z., 431 Mass. 150, 725 N.E.2d 1051, 2000 Mass. LEXIS 163 (Mass. Mar. 31, 2000).

[15] Reber v. Reiss, 42 A.3d 1131, 2012 Pa. Super. LEXIS 167, 2012 PA Super 86 (Pa. Super. Ct. 2012).

[16] Szafranski v. Dunston, 2015 IL App (1st) 122975-B, 34 N.E.3d 1132, (Ill. App. Ct. 1st Dist. 2015).

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Jannifer Stone
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DEFAMATION – The Ground Rules and How They Played Out in Sarah Palin’s Lawsuit against the New York Times
by cjleclaire
Aug 31, 2017 | 6758 views | 3 3 comments | 319 319 recommendations | email to a friend | print | permalink

Why Can’t People Sue……
Anytime the Media Says Something Obviously
False About Them?

Because the U.S. Supreme Court has placed severe restrictions on libel lawsuits  since 1964[1] because it would be a restriction of the right to freedom of the press under the First Amendment.[2] Obviously, the person suing has to prove that the statement was false. Keep in mind that we are only talking about publishing incorrect facts; any statement fairly viewed as an opinion cannot be the basis of a lawsuit.[3] To win a defamation case, the person suing has to prove actual malice, (in this context, the word “malice” does not have the meaning we ordinarily use). Actual malice means that the author[4] i) knew it was false, or, ii) had reason to suspect it was false, but went ahead and published it anyway[5]. This suspicion can sometimes be shown by obvious reasons to doubt the source of the information or the accuracy of the source’s previous reports.[6] Actual malice has to be proven by clear and convincing evidence, which is a much tougher standard of proof than what’s required in most civil cases. Actual malice is very hard to show, and most defamation cases against the media are dismissed on this basis soon after they are filed.[7]

Why is it So Hard to Sue for Defamation?

Because the courts don’t want to make the media defend these lawsuits, which become very expensive, and which are also intrusive, because they allow questioning by their opponents’ lawyers about internal policies and procedures. This could intimidate the media from engaging in robust criticism on both sides of the aisle that society needs.

The Times Goofs about Linking Palin to Giffords’ Shooting and Palin Takes the Times to Court

On June 14, 2017, the day Rep. Steve Scalise was shot on a baseball field with other Republican lawmakers, a NY Times editorial entitled “America’s Lethal Politics”, referring to the 2011 shooting in Tucson of Rep. Gabby Giffords, said “the link to political incitement was clear. Sarah Palin’s [PAC] circulated a map of targeted electoral districts that put Ms. Giffords and 19 other Democrats under stylized cross hairs. Conservatives and right wing media were quick…to demand forceful condemnation of hate speech and crimes by anti-Trump liberals. They’re right. Though there’s no sign of incitement as direct as in the Giffords attack, liberals should of course hold themselves to the same standard of decency that they ask of the right.”

Everything in the bold text above was clearly false. Giffords’ assailant, Jared Loughner, had been obsessed with her well before the map was published, there was no evidence he had ever seen the map, and it had been widely reported in the mainstream press, including the Times, that there was no evidence linking Giffords’ shooting to the map. Second, the crosshairs on the map were over the districts, not over the Democratic representatives themselves. In fact, a hyperlink in the disputed editorial took the reader to the earlier Times article with all the correct facts. The editor who inserted them in a re-write had clearly failed to investigate facts that were readily available to him, literally by just clicking that hyperlink, but negligence, even gross negligence, in fact checking is not enough to show actual malice.[8]

The Judge Puts the Times’ Editor on the Spot

When U.S. District Judge Jed. S. Rakoff asked the editor if he had any information suggesting that the map was in linked to the shooting in any way, he incredibly answered that “it didn’t enter [his] reasoning at the time that [Giffords’ assailant] was acting because of this map.” He told the judge that he had not meant that there was a causal link between the map and the shooting, only that there was a link between the incitement and the victim. For someone who had been a journalist for 25 years, these answers sounded much like he had pulled them out of a certain bodily orifice. (Transcript pp. 13-18). The defendant can argue “that’s not what I meant”, and still win when the statement is ambiguous[9], but the statement in this case looked pretty clear. He also admitted that he had never looked at the map.

The Judge Tosses the Case

 

In spite of the fact that the editor had obviously been negligent in fact checking, the error had been made under the pressure of an upcoming deadline, and the judge felt that it was a good faith error. He said that the hyperlink to the article (which he called the modern equivalent of a footnote) with the correct facts showed a lack of actual malice, and the editor also testified that when readers complained about the claim that there was a clear link between the map and the shooting, he issued an on line correction[10]  at 5AM the next morning, and in the print edition the next day. Sarah Palin will certainly appeal from the dismissal, arguing that the fact that the editor initially had no basis for saying that there was a direct link between the map and the shooting, but in my opinion, the judge’s decision will probably be upheld because of the hyperlink to the article with the correct facts and the very prompt corrections. Palin’s lawyers argued there was malice because the Times is always bashing her, attempting to portray her in a bad light to boost readership. In fact, in her complaint, ¶ 29, she quoted a previous Times column: “Yes, she’s about as sharp as a wet balloon, but we already know that… What purpose does [devoting more time and energy to that] serve other than inflaming passions to drive viewership and Web clicks?[11]   In his decision, the Judge acknowledged that the Times Editorial Board has no fans of Sarah Palin, but said that it is not the role of the courts to insure that media outlets are  unbiased.

Is This a Good Result for Society?

In my opinion it is, because holding the media liable for any statement that turns out to be wrong would be a restraint that neither the Times or Fox should have to live with, especially in the blinding speed of today’s news cycles. While journalists have professional obligations to get verification of what they publish, exposing them to constant lawsuits every time they fall short would take a lot away from the vitality of free public expression. On the other hand, we also need some mechanism to keep the media honest, and these lawsuits serve that purpose. It’s a difficult balancing act, but someone has to do it.

In an upcoming blog, we will look at the defamation lawsuit brought by investigator Rod Wheeler that accuses Fox News of manufacturing the Seth Rich murder conspiracy. Even after Fox retracted the story, Sean Hannity still takes it around the dance floor as if it had never been discredited.

[1] New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254 (1964) put new burdens on public officials suing for defamation, which were extended to public figures in 1967, Curtis Pub. Co. v. Butts, 388 U.S. 130, and then to private persons that become public figures for a limited range of issues in 1974, Gertz v. Robert Welch, 418 U.S. 323.

[2]
NOTE OF CAUTION: This blog only deals with rules about defamation of a public figure by a media defendant on a subject of public concern. Defamation law gets complicated and involves very different rules when the case is brought by a private person, as opposed to a public figure, when the statement involves a private subject, as opposed to a matter of public interest, when products or businesses are disparaged, and also changes with several other variables.

[3] Immuno AG v. Moor-Jankowski, 77 N.Y.2d 235, 254 (1991).

[4]The “ knowingly false” requirement cannot be proven by showing that other people at the same media outlet knew it was incorrect, the author has to know personally. N.Y. Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 287-88 (1964).

[5] This is legally referred to as “reckless disregard” for the truth, but in this legal context, “reckless” doesn’t have its ordinary meaning either.

[6] Herbert v. Lando, 781 F.2d 298, 308, (2d Cir.1986); St. Amant v. Thompson, 390 U.S. 727, 731, (1968).

[7] Motions to dismiss just claiming that the complaint is insufficient, Fed. R. Civ. P. 12(b)(6); CPLR § 3211(a)(7).

[8] St. Amant v. Thompson, 390 U.S. 727, 731, (1968)

[9] Kendall v. Daily News Publ’g Co., 716 F.3d 82, 90-91 (3d Cir. 2013); Corporate Training Unlimited, Inc. v. NBC, 981 F. Supp. 112, 119-23 (E.D.N.Y. 1997).

[10] Publishing the corrections does not mean that the case has to be dismissed, but prompt corrections can be viewed as some evidence that the outlet did not act with actual malice. Hoffman v. Washington Post Co., 433 F. Supp. 600 (D.D.C. 1977).

[11] NY Times column written by Charles Blow on December 3, 2010.

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The James Damore Google Memo Firing and Its Legal Consequences – It Could Potentially Blaze New Trails in Constitutional Law
by cjleclaire
Aug 16, 2017 | 8165 views | 1 1 comments | 465 465 recommendations | email to a friend | print | permalink
James Damore is the Google software engineer who wrote the “Google’s Ideological Echo Chamber,” Memo, arguing that genetics are the primary reason why software engineering is dominated by men. Stated that way, his position sounds very sexist, but, in fairness to him, he does not say that women are inferior, but that as a group, men and women have different innate abilities, propensities and goal orientations, (all of which overlap with those of men) and consequently women tend to make different career choices as a group. He posits that “Differences in distributions of traits between men and women may in part explain why we don’t have 50% representation of women in tech and leadership. Discrimination to reach equal representation is unfair, divisive, and bad for business”. He concedes that sexism exists in Google and in society, and he does say that diversity is a desirable goal. As an employee advocate who has represented many women, I personally think it is intellectually dishonest to characterize his Memo as sexist or misogynistic, even though some of his assumptions are questionable and his conclusions are obviously politically incorrect. In his YouTube interview with right wing host Stefan Molyneux, he argues that just as the right ignores the science on climate change and evolution, the left ignores the science on how men and women are wired differently because it leads to conclusions that make them uncomfortable. By voicing the complaint that left leaning political correctness within the company prohibits expression and shames conservative viewpoints, this young man provoked a very significant debate inside Google’s top management. Forced to choose between two of the priorities for which it is noted, freedom of expression and the quest for diversity; it came down on the side of diversity. While we are obviously not privy to management’s internal debate, this conversation took place against the backdrop of a U.S. Dept. of Labor investigation which accused Google of “extreme” gender pay discrimination[1]. While Damore might go on to make himself a posterchild for the alt-right and associate himself with some indefensible viewpoints, this blog post is confined to the content of his Memo and its potential legal consequences.

Regardless of Google’s Internal Policies, Doesn’t He Have the First Amendment Right of Free Speech to Say Anything He Wants?

James Damore Google EngineerAbsolutely, he does. But that doesn’t affect Google’s right to fire him for saying it. California is an “at will” state, meaning that the Employer can fire an Employee for any reason or for no reason, as long as it is not for an illegal discriminatory one. A private company can fire any “at will” Employee for expressing almost any viewpoint, on or off the job, and can clearly fire anyone for advocating a discriminatory labor practice in the workplace. On the other hand, a convincing case can be made that he was fired for expressing views that Google’s policies actually constitute discrimination based upon gender – discrimination against men, because allowances and adjustments are continually made at Google to strive for equal representation between men and women, leaving fewer of these desirable lucrative jobs for men. Discrimination claims brought by the members of the non-minority group against affirmative action programs are referred to as reverse discrimination claims.

Reverse Discrimination Claims in the Workplace – The New Haven Firefighter’s Test

Reverse Discrimination Claims are clearly being recognized in the Courts, even though they have had somewhat limited success up to this point. But see, Ricci v. DeStafano[2], in which the results of New Haven, CT Fire Department exam for captains and lieutenants were thrown out altogether because no black applicants qualified for promotion. The white and Hispanic applicants sued, claiming that they had been intentionally discriminated against by the City based on their race, which, in constitutional law, is called disparate treatment. The Supreme Court said Title VII[3] (the federal law against discrimination in employment) prohibits both intentional discrimination (the “disparate treatment” given to the white and Hispanic applicants) as well as, in some cases, practices that are not intended to discriminate but in fact have a disproportionately adverse effect on minorities (known as “disparate impact”, the result which followed for the black applicants).  Because no black applicants qualified, the City threw all the test results out and no one was promoted, so the white and Hispanic applicants had obviously been subjected to disparate treatment. The City, on the other hand, argued that this was necessary to avoid a clear disparate impact, i.e., no black applicants qualifying for promotion. The Supreme Court reversed all lower courts, holding that once the test had been set up, applicants had paid for it, taken time to study for it, and legitimately expected to be promoted or not based upon a legitimate expectation that their race would not be a factor, throwing the test results out amounted to exactly the sort of racial preference Congress had been trying to prohibit. The Supreme Court reasoned that even though there was a disparate impact, the test was job related and consistent with business necessity, and there was no equally valid non-discriminatory alternative which the City had refused to adopt. Affirmative action continues after this ruling because selection processes are designed to include race as only one of a series of factors that make up some kind of a composite score, so no hard and fast racial quotas, (which would clearly constitute disparate treatment) are ever used. “See, Fisher v. University of Texas[4]. While the Courts do take reverse discrimination claims seriously now, they are still very difficult to win, and as long as Justice Kennedy stays on the Court and is unwilling to abandon affirmative action, this is likely to continue. On the other hand, if Kennedy retires or dies and is replaced by a Trump appointee, affirmative action as we know it will probably come to an end. In such an environment, James Damore would unquestionably win.

The Google Memo as a Retaliation Case – Fired for Complaining About Reverse Discrimination

Damore was not fired because of his gender, which is the classic Title VII discrimination case; instead his argument is that he was fired in retaliation[5] for opposing an unlawful practice under Title VII, which is good enough. He would also likely file under the California statute prohibiting retaliation for complaining about any discriminatory practice.[6] To make a claim for being fired based on gender, he would have to prove that Google’s policies were actually discriminating against men – which would be exceedingly difficult, if not impossible. But in a retaliation case, he only has to show that he honestly and reasonably believed that the practice he spoke against was unlawful, even if this is not ultimately found to be correct.[7] To win this claim, he doesn’t have to hit a home run – he just has to get to first base. He would have a good chance to do this under the state of the law as it actually is now, because the Fox News viewers on the jury would vote for him, feeling that a conservative viewpoint was suppressed within a liberal organization. Ironically, this is one of those few employment cases where the employee would be better off with a conservative jury panel. However, if he filed his case in federal court, it would likely be assigned to the San Jose courthouse in the Northern District of California, and his jury pool would be drawn from four counties that went for Hilary Clinton in 2016.  I think he would clearly be able to make out a case and get to trial, but no one can say how the jury would decide it.

Damore’s Petition with the National Labor Relations Board (“NLRB”)

Even before he was fired, Damore filed a petition with the NLRB, a federal administrative agency which usually deals with labor unions, but there is a right to “concerted activity for mutual aid or protection[8] by non-union workers as well. While the content of Damore’s petition is not yet publicly available, he will clearly allege that Google engaged in an unfair labor practice by interference, restraint, and/or coercion[9] with his right of concerted activity. This allows non-union employees to communicate amongst themselves about their working conditions for the purpose of improving them. According to the Department of Labor, this generally requires two or more employees acting together, but the action of a single employee may qualify if he is acting on behalf of others, or attempting to get others to act.  His best argument is that the Memo was circulated on the internal Google electronic bulletin boards to communicate to all other male software engineers that they should challenge the various allowances and adjustments which will eventually make 50% of the software engineers female. This would make their jobs more secure, and could legally qualify under this rule.

How Will the Case be Decided at the NRLB?

The case will first go before an Administrative Law Judge and could come out either way, but whichever party loses has the right to appeal to the Board, which consisting of 5 members appointed by the President. Often a panel of three Board Members will decide a case, but the full Board usually considers novel or potentially precedent changing cases. Although there are normally 5 Board members, there is still one vacancy, so there are only 4 members on the Board now, 2 Republicans and two Democrats, but Trump could fill that vacancy before the case gets there. Unlike cabinet members, NLRB members are appointed for 4 year terms, and cannot be fired by the President, so they are a little more independent. While there might be a desire on the part of the Republicans to rule in favor of a viewpoint which is attractive to the right, that would also create a precedent making it harder for employers to fire an employer for taking a liberal viewpoint, so it’s anybody’s guess what they would do. An NRLB decision can be appealed to a United States Circuit Court of Appeals, but which one? The Employer has the right to appeal to the D.C. Circuit in Washington, D.C., or in any circuit in which it has sufficient business operations. However, the party that brought the petition can also appeal, and the NRLB itself has the right to seek enforcement in any Circuit Court. If multiple parties file petitions for appeal within 10 days after the Board’s ruling, the Circuit Court that will decide the case will literally be determined by a coin toss. Mr. Damore has the potential to become the right’s standard bearer against affirmative action. This is really a ball game that could go either way, and appeals from the decision could also be a roller coaster ride for years.

Opinion: Whether the Memo’s Conclusions are Right or Wrong, Political Correctness Should Not Prevent Us From Having this Conversation

While some women will be offended by some parts of the Memo, and justifiably so, that was clearly not the author’s intention. Numerous blogs and articles have popped up which are not the least bit sexist, in fact, one written by Michael Kreiger (Liberty Blitzkrieg) makes the following cogent point: For example, American culture worships the Wall Street trader who makes $5 million a year while adding very little to no value to society, while looking down upon a mother or father who chooses to stay home and raise their children. Rather than reflecting upon the world we’ve created and admitting how perverse this is, the mantra seems to be “hire more women traders.” That’s a one-way ticket to nowhere.

It’s Food For Thought 

[1] Matter of Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs, U.S. Dept. of Labor v. Google, Inc., Case No. 2017-OFC-00004.

[2] 557 U.S. 557, 129 S. Ct. 2658, 174 L. Ed. 2d 490 (2009)

[3] 42 USC § 2000e-2.

[4] 42 USC § 2000e-3.

[5] California Government Code § 12940(h), Fair Employment and Housing Act.

[6] Protesting what an employee believes in good faith to be a discriminatory practice is clearly protected conduct.42 U.S.C. § 2000e-3(a)Griffiths v. Cigna Corp., 988 F.2d 457, 468 (3d Cir. 1993). Thus, “a plaintiff need not prove the merits of the underlying discrimination complaint, but only that ‘he was acting under a good faith, reasonable belief that a violation existed.'” Griffiths, 988 F.2d at 468(quoting Sumner v. United States Postal Service, 899 F.2d 203, 209 (2d Cir. 1990)).

[7] 29 USC § 157.

[8] 29 USC § 158(a)(1)

[9] 136 S. Ct. 2198, 195 L. Ed. 2d 511 (2016)

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September 10, 2017
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The Confidentiality Clause – The Abuse That Keeps on Giving
by cjleclaire
Jul 26, 2017 | 9331 views | 1 1 comments | 602 602 recommendations | email to a friend | print | permalink

The First Amendment guarantees us the right to free speech, but unfortunately, it is generally legal to force employees (or anyone else) to sign this away. Businesses do this by making people sign confidentiality clauses to get hired, to keep their jobs, or to get their settlement after any employment dispute or lawsuit. Confidentiality agreements prevent the Employee from talking about anything the Company doesn’t want discussed, and always include the amount of the settlement. Confidentiality will usually be accompanied by its evil twin, “Non-Disparagement.” A non-disparagement clause takes away the Employee’s right to say anything bad about the Company, whether it is true or not.  These clauses are sometimes called “Non-Disclosure Agreements”, but no matter what lawyers call them, they are best described as “Gag Clauses”. While the First Amendment still gives you the right to say anything you want, it does not prevent you from being sued if you violate an agreement you signed.

What’s So Bad About These Agreements? Shouldn’t Business Owners Have a Right to Some Privacy?

Businesses legitimately need non-disclosure agreements to protect their trade secrets and other vital information from their competition. Unfortunately, they can also be used to conceal systemic violations of laws and regulations, patterns of discriminatory conduct, or sexual harassment.  In those situations, offensive and illegal behavior can continue and flourish.  For example, Fox News used these clauses as a curtain to keep a culture of sexual harassment out of public view for over a decade, allowing Roger Ailes to rack up $45 Million in payouts for sexual harassment claims, and Bill O’Reilly another $13M. Because his victims had to sign confidentiality and non-disparagement clauses as part of their settlements, Ailes continued victimizing women in complete privacy. Ailes was probably able to remove many panties off that would otherwise have stayed on if these clauses were illegal. But for the most part, they are perfectly legal under federal law[1], and with a Republican Congress and President Trump in the White House, this will not change anytime soon.

In fact, President Trump loves these clauses so much that everyone who volunteered for his campaign had to sign one prohibiting them from saying anything bad about Trump, his family or his businesses forever, and it also required the volunteers to prevent their employees (if they had them) from doing so. It also prohibited them from campaigning for any other presidential candidate until 2024, even if Trump had had not gotten the nomination. https://arstechnica.com/tech-policy/2016/03/revealed-the-trump-campaign-nda-that-volunteers-must-sign/. While I like to think that the Courts would not uphold something this outrageous because it places an unnecessary restriction on political speech, the President has sued many people without having a good reason, and whether he’s ultimately going to win or not, who wants to be the one to find out?

Is This Problem Limited to the Employment Context?

No. For many years, the Catholic Church settled claims brought against pedophile priests using these same exact clauses, and it still does. The Diocese would transfer the pedophile priest to another distant parish, the family would sign a confidentiality and non-disparagement clause as part of the settlement, and the priest continued to prey upon different children while the risk remained hidden from their parents.

 

What Happens When You Break a Confidentiality or Non-Disparagement Agreement (“NDA”)?

You can be sued by the Company. When this happens, the Company has to prove the amount of money they actually lost as a result of what you said. As a practical matter, they usually cannot prove any hard losses as a direct result of whatever you said, so there are two tricks they use. One is called a “liquidated damages” clause, which means that if you say anything they don’t like, you have to pay them a specific amount of money; usually all of the money you received under any settlement. Second, the agreements usually make you pay their attorney’s fees for bringing the suit against you, which can be very expensive, aside from the fact that you will have to pay an attorney to defend yourself.

What Protections Are There Against This Under Existing Law?

cafaro blog

i) NEGOTIATE – If you are asked to sign papers as a condition of receiving a severance payment, you should consult with an attorney if possible. If you have any right to sue the Company, a lawyer might have leverage to negotiate some aspects of these provisions. For example, you might be able to negotiate that truth will be a defense to any non-disparagement claim. You might be able to negotiate that the Company has to get a jury to actually decide that you violated the agreement before you owe them any money. You might be able to negotiate that the Company has to prove the violation by “clear and convincing evidence”, (more proof than in an ordinary case) which can protect you against false “he said-she said” accusations that you said something you didn’t actually say. The Company will always require you to pay their attorneys’ fees if they sue you under the agreement, but a lawyer can often negotiate a clause for you that says that whoever wins the lawsuit will be able to collect their attorney’s fees from the losing party. At least this gives you some protection against the Company filing a baseless lawsuit against you, and your lawyer can recover your attorney’s fees from the Company if you win.

ii) LIQUIDATED DAMAGES MIGHT NOT BE ENFORCEABLE – If you get sued by the Company in New York for “liquidated damages” for breaking the confidentiality or NDA and the Company sues you to get the entire settlement amount back, don’t despair completely.There is a good chance that the New York courts will call this an illegal penalty clause and refuse to uphold it.[2] The larger the amount of money involved, the better your chances of winning with this argument. If you win on this ground, the Company will be limited to any actual losses it can prove happened as a direct result of what you said. If they cannot prove any actual damages, which they usually can’t, they will probably not be allowed to collect their attorneys’ fees either. The problem is that you will have to pay a lawyer to defend you, and there is no guarantee that this defense will succeed.

iii) LAW ENFORCEMENT – These agreements cannot legally stop you from reporting any illegal conduct to the appropriate law enforcement agency.

iv) FILING AN EEOC CHARGE – These agreements cannot stop you from filing a charge with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), and possibly with other government agencies, but they usually will prevent you from being able to collect any money damages as a result of having filed such a charge.

v) IF YOU ARE SUBPOENAED TO TESTIFY – These agreements cannot stop you from giving truthful testimony if you are subpoenaed to testify in court or before any administrative agency by someone who suffered a similar violation by the Company. If you have signed an agreement like this and you are contacted by someone else who you would like to help in a different lawsuit against the same Company, just tell them to have their lawyer subpoena you, and the Company will not be able to sue you for testifying. You’re on solid ground with this.

vi) NON-PAYMENT OF WAGES – In cases for nonpayment of wages, confidentiality clauses are no longer permitted in the New York federal courts[3].

vii) WORKPLACE COMMUNICATION RIGHTS – The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) held that Quicken Loans[4]could not enforce its non- disparagement clause because it violated the workers’ rights to criticize their employer and its products as part of their right to engage in protected activities, and employees sometimes do so in appealing to the public, or to their fellow employees, in order to gain their support. Be careful about relying on this one, though.

viii) I’M BROKE – SUE ME IF YOU WANT! If you don’t own any significant assets, and you are in a position where you could declare bankruptcy or anywhere near it, this gives you the freedom to disregard the agreement, say whatever you want, and let the Company sue. Normally, they will send a letter before they sue you, and if they do, you can just tell them “Go ahead – I’ll just file bankruptcy!”. If they believe you, they probably won’t sue, because it will just draw more attention to whatever they want to keep quiet; in fact, now that most courts have electronic filing, it will be putting the secrets they wanted to protect out on the internet for all the world to Google. Even if they sue and get a huge judgment against you, you can file bankruptcy for a few thousand dollars, along with whatever credit card debt you happen to have.

Is Anything About These Clauses Good for Employees?

Yes – i) Stay Off Google – If the case was not filed in any Court, the Employee wants to make sure that his/her claim against their Employer is not floating around in cyberspace where it can easily be googled the next time they apply for another job. ii) Neutral Reference – As part of a confidentiality clause, you might also negotiate what we call a “Neutral Reference”, i.e., if asked for a reference, the Company will provide the position held, dates of employment, salary, and say that it is their policy to provide this type of reference and nothing else. iii) The Shakedown Effect – In some cases the Company’s desire to keep certain information from getting out can motivate them to settle the case early on and for more money. If confidentiality agreements were illegal, this leverage would be lost. Management would call this legal extortion, and in some cases, that’s exactly what it is. This is another evil that would be corrected in a perfect world, but is very unlikely to be corrected in the world we actually live in.

How Did Dennis Rodman Make New Confidentiality Clause Law?

On January 15, 1997, while scrambling for the ball in a game against the Minnesota Timberwolves, Rodman fell into a group of photographers on the sidelines. When he got up, he did the only reasonable thing – he kicked one of them in groin. Without even suing, the photographer’s lawyers settled the case for $200,000, with Rodman’s attorney’s insisting upon, and getting, a strict confidentiality clause. Because personal injury settlements are not counted in taxable income[5], the photographer did not show the settlement on his taxes. The IRS came after him and the Tax Court[6] held that because the photographer’s injuries were really minimal and nowhere near worth $200,000, some of the settlement had to be assigned to the confidentiality clause, and taxes had to be paid on that part. Not only did the photographer lose out; Dennis Rodman obviously lost the benefit of his confidentiality clause, because the Tax Court opinion was widely reported after he paid so much money to keep it quiet. (Talk about getting kicked where it hurts!) After the “Dennis Rodman Case”, if you are getting a personal injury settlement with a confidentiality clause like this (most medical malpractice settlements require these), it’s a good idea to make the Confidentiality Clause run both ways, that is, to prevent the Company being sued from talking about the settlement also. Even though the Defendants never tell anybody about settlements anyway, if the IRS ever bothers you about it, you’ll have a good argument that the clause had a value to you, too. For example, if it becomes common knowledge that someone who lives in a Housing Project in the South Bronx is getting $250,000, that can become hazardous to his health. You can always tell your lawyer to have the agreement say that you didn’t want anyone to know that you were getting money just so people wouldn’t hear you were getting a settlement and ask you to borrow money, which is something that happens all the time. Sometimes, ignorance is bliss after all.

[1] Although there might be some protection under state law, depending on where you live.

[2] The New York courts have consistently held that “liquidated damage provisions will not be enforced if it is against public policy to do so and public policy is firmly set against the imposition of penalties or forfeitures for which there is no statutory authority”, see, Truck Rent-A-Center, Inc. v. Puritan Farms 2nd, Inc., (N.Y. 1977); 555 W. John St., LLC v Westbury Jeep Chrysler Dodge, Inc., 149 A.D.3d 796, (2d Dep’t 2017); Clearview Farms LLC v Fannon, 145 A.D.3d 1556, (4th Dep’t 2016).

[3] Cheeks v. Freeport Pancake House, Inc., 796 F.3d 199, (2d Cir.2015).

[4]  Quicken Loans, Inc., Case No. 28-CA-75857 (Jan. 8, 2013). This comes from § 7 of the National Labor Relations Act, which guarantees workplace rights of association and to discuss the conditions of their employment with each other. However, as President Trump continues to appoint management oriented people to the NLRB, its decisions will give employees fewer rights.

[5] 26 U.S.C. § 104(a)(2)

[6] Amos v. Commissioner, U.S. Tax Court No. 13391-01, Dec. 1, 2003.

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September 06, 2017

Milo Yiannopoulos Sues Simon & Schuster – Bet They Wish They Had a Morals Clause, but What’s a Morals Clause?
by cjleclaire
Jul 12, 2017 | 8843 views | 0 0 comments | 358 358 recommendations | email to a friend | print | permalink
by Bill Cafaro | Jul 11, 2017 |

According to the lawsuit he filed on Friday, July 7, 2017, Simon & Schuster refused to publish his most recent book, Dangerous, because of allegations that public statements he made condoned pedophilia[1].

 

What’s a “Morals Clause”

It’s a provision routinely included in contracts for celebrity endorsers, professional athletes, newscasters, TV actors, and various other people whose effectiveness and/or salability depends upon the public’s perception of them. Going back to 1972, Marilyn Chambers, the fresh faced young mother holding the infant on the Ivory Snow detergent box  starred in Behind the Green Door, which was considered extremely hard core pornography at that time. This was obviously at odds with the pure and wholesome image Proctor & Gamble wanted the public to associate with its product. Typically, morals clauses allow the company to cancel the contract if the individual is charged with or convicted of a serious crime or conduct which is immoral or widely viewed by the public as reprehensible. The wording of these clauses varies considerably, though, such as in professional sports contracts, where Morals Clauses are very broad, covering any conduct that could reflect poorly upon the team.[2] Although most book publishing houses do not have Morals Clauses in their contracts, HarperCollins, one of the largest publishing houses, began routinely including them in 2011. However, apparently not running away from controversy, it has plans to publish Mr. Santa this Christmas, a children’s book in which Santa is depicted as a gay black man in an interracial marriage. More about the very interesting concept and history of morality clauses below.

Can’t Simon & Schuster Refuse to Publish any Book?

Yes – But not after they have signed a contract with the author, which they clearly did in Milo’s case. The next question is whether saying something offensive in public can be grounds for refusing to publish the book, because statements about a sensitive subject that upset everyone will affect sales of the book, and after all, publishers enter into contracts to sell books. In his complaint, Milo makes out a very good case that Simon & Schuster was well aware of his notoriety and his penchant for making statements that many find offensive; after all, he had been routinely infuriating half of the universe of people who knew of him in the years before they agreed to publish his book. The answer is that the terms of each particular contract determine whether the publisher’s refusal to go ahead with the publication will be legally justified, i.e., whether the author will succeed or not in his lawsuit accusing them of breaching his contract.

 What Will the Main Issues be in Milo’s Case?

The Publishing Agreement in Milo’s case (Ex. “A” to his complaint, p. 40 of 83) did not contain a Morals Clause, but said that Simon & Schuster did not have to publish the book if, in its sole good faith judgment, the book was “not acceptable”. Milo’s complaint claims that the publisher decided to cancel the contract within hours of when the news story broke that Breitbart was considering dismissing him due to the pedophilia allegations. A few days later, the publisher sent a cancellation letter saying only that the work was “unacceptable for publication”. Despite the fact that the contract required the publisher to give the reasons why the work was unacceptable, and to ask for whatever reasonable revisions, changes or supplements it wanted, the publisher completely failed to give any reason for its decision or to ask for any revisions at all. The publisher will have a difficult time explaining the e-mails and texts shortly before the cancellation that spoke very approvingly of the manuscript. According to the contract’s terms, the publisher will have to argue that its determination that the work was “unacceptable” was in good faith. This will be extremely difficult in light of the complete failure to explain the reasons for the rejection, the failure to request any revisions at all, and the suspicious timing of the cancellation. This all supports Milo’s position that Simon & Schuster decided to cancel the contract because of the pedophilia story. In other words, Simon & Schuster wishes it had included a Morals Clause in its contract, but it did not, so in my humble opinion, Milo will prevail in his case.

From Fatty Arbuckle to The House Un-American Activities Committee to Charlie Sheen to Brian Williams – How did Morals Clauses Come About and How Have They Been Used[3]?

Image result for fatty arbuckle

Morals Clauses started in 1921 when Roscoe “Fatty” Arbuckle, a very famous silent film star at that time, was arrested and charged with the rape and murder of a young starlet who had been found in his hotel room.  Although the evidence against him was slim and he was found not guilty of all charges, the sensational “yellow journalism” of the day convicted him in the court of public opinion. Widespread outrage at “Hollywood Immorality” prompted the entertainment industry to use Morals Clauses in every contract to protect them from having to continue to pay stars who stepped in scandal, as well as to appease their audiences.

Thirty years later, the House Un-American Activities Committee, at the height of the Cold War in the early 1950s, investigated alleged Communist infiltration of the motion picture industry. In 1947, members of the “Hollywood 10” who refused to answer the Committee’s questions, had their contracts terminated under Morals Clauses on the grounds that this shocked and offended the community and brought them into public scorn and contempt.  The use of these clauses to terminate these people’s contracts was routinely upheld by the courts[4] at that time.

Related image

The next big splash in this area was Charlie Sheen’s contract for Two and a Half Men, which had a very weak Morals Clause,requiring commision of a felony offense involving moral turpitude. This put Warner Bros. TV on shaky legal ground for firing him despite his clearly outrageous behavior, and they had to fall back on the argument that his cocaine use impaired his ability to adequately perform. Sheen sued for $100M, and although the settlement was confidential, it was clearly substantial.

Fast forward to 2015, when Brian Williams, who had just signed a $10M contract with NBC, publicly gave several variations of a false account of a March 2003 helicopter ride during the U.S. invasion of Iraq which he was forced to take back and apologize. His credibility with the public plummeted, and NBC, which could clearly have terminated his contract based on an ironclad Morals Clause in his contract, decided on a six month unpaid suspension instead.

The long and short of this is that every contract is different, and the outcome in each situation is, and will continue to be, determined based on the wording the parties agreed upon when they sat down with their lawyers and made their deal.

[1] As everyone who follows Milo Yiannopoulos knows, he is openly gay, vigorously denies that he has ever advocated pedophilia, and claims that his widely publicized remarks which led to his departure from Breitbart News referred favorably to a relationship he had with a man who was 29 when he was 17. 16 was the legal age of consent in the UK, where this took place. Milo also posted a statement on his Facebook page (which is attached to his complaint as Ex. “I”) denying that his public remarks ever condoned pedophilia. Whether Milo’s remarks expressed approval of pedophilia or not is a question which is not addressed here; it is merely assumed that Milo made public statements which were very heavily criticized.

[2] The NFL contract, for example, allows the club to terminate the player, “if, at any time, in the sole judgment of the Club,….[the] player has engaged in personal conduct reasonably judged by the Club to adversely affect or reflect on the Club.” , http://static.nfl.com/static/content/public/image/cba/nfl-cba-2006-2012.pdf ¶ 11, p. 252.

[3] For an excellent history of the law in this area, see, Morals Clauses, Past, Present and Future, Caroline Epstein, NYU Journal of Intellectual Property and Entertainment Law, Vol. 5, No. 1.

[4] Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corp. v. Lardner, 216 F.2d 844, (9th Cir. 1954); Scott v. RKO Radio Pictures, Inc., 240 F.2d 87, (9th Cir. 1957)

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July 24, 2017
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How Can Lawyers Get in Trouble Over Sex?
by cjleclaire
Apr 20, 2017 | 28244 views | 8 8 comments | 960 960 recommendations | email to a friend | print | permalink

The most shameful case in recent history was Thomas Lowe, an Egan, MN attorney representing a divorce client, who had an affair with her that lasted seven months. After several arguments with the woman about the affair and his own marriage, Lowe said he was breaking things off. Two days later, he said he was withdrawing as her attorney. That day, the woman, who was vulnerable because of past abuse and mental health treatment, tried to kill herself. While hospitalized, she disclosed the affair.
In giving him an indefinite suspension, the Minnesota Supreme Court found that he had not only had sex with a vulnerable client; he had actually billed her for meetings during which they had sex.¹

sex at the office

Who’s Gotten in Trouble over Sex in New York Recently?

There were two cases in the past year which make for interesting reading. In one, a lawyer offered to represent a prostitute in a small town court upstate in exchange for her services – a good old fashioned barter arrangement. Unfortunately for the lawyer, his client was smarter that he was, and she contacted the police. The prostitute then recorded phone calls with the lawyer, agreeing that they would have sex in exchange for his legal services. As a result, the lawyer plead guilty to loitering for the purposes of prostitution and got community service. The disciplinary committee found that the lawyer had obviously violated the rule against requiring sexual relations as a condition of providing representation², but he was only given a censure, which is essentially a public reprimand. Although we don’t know it for a fact, it’s a safe bet she got the prostitution charge dismissed for turning the lawyer in, because he was certainly a bigger fish than she was.

office romance

In a much more serious case, Tara Lenich, a Deputy Bureau Chief in the Brooklyn District Attorney’s Office, was indicted in federal court and plead guilty to forging wiretap warrants. Because she had a romantic interest in a detective who she suspected of dating another female prosecutor in the same office, she forged judges’ signatures on fake orders authorizing her to eavesdrop on their cell phones and falsified warrants for their text messages. She told her colleagues in the office that she was working on an investigation so secret that no one else could know about. A staffer in the DA’s office became suspicious when she saw another prosecutor’s personal phone number on the eavesdropping warrant. She faces a maximum of 10 years on the guilty plea. Although her sentence will likely be far less than that, she will definitely lose her law license because anyone convicted of a felony³ is subject to automatic disbarment under New York law.

Is Sex Allowed Between a Lawyer and a Client?

So What’s the Rule: Is Sex Allowed4 Between a Lawyer and a Client?

There is a strict prohibition 5 in New York against having sex with a divorce client, because divorce clients are often emotionally vulnerable, and there is an increased risk that the client will be exploited. However, even this rule has an exception if the sexual relations started before the client-lawyer relationship , so a lawyer could legally represent his/her lover in the divorce that followed in the wake of their adulterous affair. Also, any sexual relationship6 that begins after the representation is over would not be breaking any rule, even in a divorce case.

What About Sex with Clients in Non-Divorce Cases?

While there is technically no rule against it, any lawyer that starts a sexual relationship with a current client is entering into a grey area. As one court said “because a sexual relationship between a lawyer and client creates the risk of impairing the professional judgment of the lawyer, and rendering the client unable to make rational decisions related to his or her case, the relationship may be detrimental to the client’s interests. As such, “sexual relations between lawyers and their clients are dangerous and inadvisable””7 If the lawyer is accused of doing anything else that’s against the rules, having sex with that particular client will add a “sleaze factor” to the disciplinary case that won’t lead to any good places.

 

Are Doctors Allowed to Have Sex with Their Patients?

Although the concern used to be confined to psychiatry, since 1991 the American Medical Association has taken a much tougher position and adopted a blanket rule. “Sexual contact that occurs concurrent with the patient-physician relationship constitutes sexual misconduct.” 8That same opinion goes so far as to say that “Sexual or romantic relationships with former patients are unethical if the physician uses or exploits trust, knowledge, emotions, or influence derived from the previous professional relationship.” In fact, the AMA goes so far as to regulate sexual and romantic relationships between doctors and key third parties who accompany their patients.9 What will happen to a doctor who dates a patient seems to vary quite a bit, though, according to the particular state and the particular circumstances.

 

 

  • [1] In re Disciplinary Action against Lowe, 824 N.W.2d 634, 2013 Minn. LEXIS 3, 2013 WL 167954 (Minn. 2013)
  • [2] Rule 1.8[j][1][i], Matter of Shaw, 138 A.D.3d 133, (4th Dep’t 2016).
  • [3] NY Judiciary Law § 90(a), (e)
  • [4] This Post only talks about New York, and these are only general rules and do not constitute legal advice. Before getting the room, check with your lawyer if sex is allowed in your state and your particular circumstances.
  • [5] Rules of Professional Conduct , 12 NYCRR 1200.0, Rule 1.8[j][1][iii].
  • [6] 12 NYCRR 1200.0, Rule 1.8[j][2].
  • [7] Matter of Raab, 139 A.D.3d 116, 119, (1st Dep’t 2016).
  • [8] AMA Journal of Ethics, Opinion 8.14 – Sexual Misconduct in the Practice of Medicine, Issued December 1989; updated March 1992 based on the report “Sexual Misconduct in the Practice of Medicine,” adopted December 1990.
  • [9 ] AMA Journal of Ethics, Opinion 8.145 – Sexual or Romantic Relations between Physicians and Key Third Parties Issued December 1998 based on the report “Sexual or Romantic Relations between Physicians and Key Third Parties,” adopted June 1998.
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October 19, 2017
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What’s the “Freelance Isn’t Free” Law About?
by cjleclaire
Apr 20, 2017 | 24046 views | 1 1 comments | 1013 1013 recommendations | email to a friend | print | permalink

If this is the Company’s Attitude about paying you…

…What Should your Attitude be like?

It’s about protection for Freelancers being paid for their work in NYC. Our previous blog item explains the basic concepts of it. The actual law  goes into effect on May 16, 2017.

What Issues are Likely to Come Up Under This Law?

The law literally provides for triple damages if the work was done but not paid for and no contract was ever given[1]. We will ask for this wherever possible, subject to watching out for cases in which it might make us file the case in a different court than we had originally wanted.[2] The judges who will be applying this law for the first time will be reluctant to impose double damages plus attorney’s fees as it is, and many will balk at imposing treble (triple) damages. On the other hand, the law does say this, and the threat of an appellate court saying that this should have been imposed will be valuable leverage toward getting the cases settled. I also anticipate that many of the lower state court judges will be looking for ways to avoid imposing double damages plus attorney’s fees, because these are concepts that will make them uncomfortable. You, as a Freelancer, should be sure to retain a law firm that is serious about taking every judge who refuses to do this up on appeal. Otherwise, this powerful law will lose all its teeth.

Freelance Isn't Free Law NYC

Will a series of e-mails that go back and forth qualify as a “contract” for the purposes of this law?

If the e-mails, when read together, contain the information required to be provided in the new law, the answer will probably be yes[3]. Where the Company has exchanged e-mails with the Freelancer which make out the most important contract terms, I do not think that courts will find the Company liable for failing to provide a contract. In order to avoid liability for failing to provide a contract, the Company will probably admit that the e-mails constitute a contract, and this will probably lead to fairer results for everyone. Where important terms (i.e., clear scope of the work to be done, or total price to be paid), are missing from the e-mails, and the missing terms do not readily appear in any document the parties agree was exchanged and relied upon, a “contract” will probably not be found. This will be a violation on the part of the Company, exposing it to additional liability.

Freelance Isn't Free NYC Law

What Defenses to Payment Will We be Hearing?

The Company[4] will always say that the work wasn’t done properly, and sometimes there might be a legitimate dispute behind it.  For example, let’s say the case goes to trial and there is a verdict that the work was 90% complete, or, that the work was completed with defects equal to 10% of the agreed value which were the Freelancer’s fault. The defense will argue that the Freelancer should only get 90% of the agreed price, because that’s all that was really performed. However, the law clearly provides for double damages to a freelance worker who prevails on an “unlawful payment practice” claim”, §§ 20-933(b)(1), 929. Therefore, after a verdict like that, we will claim that the Freelancer gets double damages on 90%, or 180%, of the agreed price, in addition to the attorney’s fees. I am very confident that we’re going to win on that issue.  Before the law was signed, management attorneys lobbied the City Council and the Mayor for a “good faith” defense to the double damages rule, but without success. A “good faith” defense against double damages would have effectively repealed the rule, because the Company will always say that it felt it was justified in not paying for the work.

Freelance Isn't Free Law

How Will the Application of this Law Be Defined in More Detail in Coming Years?

The thinking process behind the new law was to give Freelancers the same legal protections that employees now have in wage cases. This means that the playing field and the rules will be staked out by the lawyers who represent employees in wage and hour cases on our side, and the lawyers who defend those same cases for management on their side.  On either side, the employment lawyers will have a very distinct advantage over attorneys who don’t usually go to court, or practice in other fields and are handling as a favor to clients they represent in other types of cases, or who are personal friends.

Guidance on this law will come from the first decisions that are actually made by judges, and from the appeals taken from those decisions.

In our next blog post, we’ll talk about more of the defenses we’re likely to see in the Freelance cases, possible solutions to some of the problems we’ll commonly face, and the pros and cons of choosing the different courts to bring the cases in.

[1] Statutory damages in the amount of the value of the contract for not providing a contract in a case where any other violation is proven, § 20-933(b)(2), and double damages for the payment violation, § 20-933(b)(3).

[2] NYC Civil Court jurisdiction is limited to $25,000, NYC CCA § 201.

[3] General Obligations Law § 5-701(b)(3).

[4] Someone who hires a freelance worker is referred to in the law as the “hiring party”. I use “Company” here, but it can be a company, an individual, or any kind of organization that is not governmental, see, § 20-927 – Hiring Party.

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mod file
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July 28, 2017
http://www.convertmodfiles.biz

Can College Football Players Unionize?
by cjleclaire
Feb 24, 2017 | 14444 views | 0 0 comments | 259 259 recommendations | email to a friend | print | permalink

Author: William Cafaro

At least for the moment, the answer is Yes. Last week, the General Counsel National Labor Relations Board (NLRB)’s issued a Memo saying that football players at private colleges must be treated as employees, so they may seek protection against unfair labor practices. Richard Griffin, the general counsel for the NLRB, wrote that “scholarship football players in Division I Football Bowl Subdivision private-sector colleges and universities are employees” under the National labor Relations Act.

What was the Reasoning Behind this Decision?

The General Counsel felt that the athletes, like employees, work full-time hours during the regular season, receive “significant compensation” in exchange for their work, and can be “fired” from the team for poor performance or other factors. The Memo says that it doesn’t resolve questions about whether football players should be treated differently than athletes in non-revenue sports.

Does this Mean that the Players can Take the Universities to Court?

Despite the NLRB guidance, Federal courts are not anxious to say that student athletes are employees.  In December 2016, the federal appeals court in Chicago dismissed a minimum wage claim against the NCAA and Division I Universities and Colleges, but just a few days later, a federal District Court in California refused to dismiss a case like this against the NCAA, and it’s too early for that decision to be appealed, so we can’t be sure yet.  

Can College Football Players Unionize?

What Can the Players Actually Do to Improve Their Situation?

For now, this means any interested party could file an unfair labor practice charge with the NLRB about private football players. A union or interested group can file charges with evidence, and it doesn’t necessarily have to be a specific player.

Is this Trend Likely to Continue?

No. The term of the General Counsel who issued this opinion will expire on November 3, 2017, when President Trump will replace him with a Republican who will, in all probability, be opposed to any expansion of the right to unionize.

Over the last six years, Mr. Cafaro has applied his litigation skills toward representing employees aggressively in overtime and discrimination cases. He has represented hundreds of workers successfully in individual wage and hour cases, including class and collective actions. He also litigates discrimination cases in both the federal and state courts.

Fluency in Spanish helps Mr. Cafaro to communicate with clients in their native language.

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Smith1122
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March 20, 2017
There are thousands of stories which are unread. This is an epic article and I read it because it has really good matters of the college life. Many students need best essay help because of their less research about new technology.

Important New Rights for Freelancers in NYC
by cjleclaire
Feb 14, 2017 | 14700 views | 2 2 comments | 614 614 recommendations | email to a friend | print | permalink
Article:By William Cafaro

Important New Rights for Freelancers in NYC

  "Freelance Isn't Free" Bill Passes in NYC, What Does it Mean?

New York City Passes Freelancer Wage Protection Law

The new law covers individuals who provide services, and is only available in the City of New York:

New York City | Queens | Brooklyn | The Bronx

What Does This New Law Mean for Me, as a Freelancer?

It basically gives you the same state law labor rights as employees have. This is HUGE.  It gives you the right to double damages  - $2,000.00 for every $1,000.00 of the agreed price of the work.

If you win, the company will have to pay you a 100% penalty, plus your attorneys’ fees and your court costs.

Why will it be different now?

Now you will be able to get a lawyer to sue without paying out of pocket. This is called: “Contingency Fee”  You Don’t Pay any Legal Fee , Unless You Win

  • Then the attorney gets a percentage of the fee. You have nothing to lose!
  • The people that hired you will have to take your lawsuit more seriously now, because they will have to pay double damages.
  • They will have to pay your attorney’s fees if they lose, which could be more than the amount that you were supposed to be paid in the first place.
  • In practical terms, this also means that your case will be easier to settle, and will resolve in less time.

What if the company never gave me anything in writing saying how much I’d be paid?

  • A written contract is now required.
  • If you asked for a written contract and none is given to you, that’s a violation that you can now sue for, in and of itself.
  • In employment law cases, if the employer doesn’t keep any records, your word is presumed to be right, as long as what you’re claiming is reasonable. This is another issue that will have to develop in the courts when the law goes into effect.

What Practical Difference Will this new “ Freelance Isn’t Free” law mean to me?

Now, a lot of companies just aren’t paying you because you have so few legal rights, and they’re just not worried about you suing them. Until this law was passed, most lawyers were not willing to do these cases for a percentage of what they got for you at the end (this is called a “contingency fee”, explained above); they wanted you to pay their legal bills by the hour up front, which you couldn’t afford to do. THIS CHANGES ALL THAT.

If I was hired to do the job by a single individual, as opposed to a company, will this law apply?

Yes, it will.

I consider myself a Freelancer, but how do I know if I can use this new law?

  • It only applies to “organizations of no more than one person”, but if you have a corporation or a d/b/a name, that’s OK.
  • If you have salaried employees on a regular basis, this law may not apply to you.
  • If you use independent contractors or people to help you on an “as needed” basis, you probably will be able to use this law, but:

These issues, and others, will be fought between “us” and “them” when it goes into effect. It will only apply to jobs for $800 or more.

When is this law going into effect?

On May 16, 2017. It will only apply to contracts entered into on or after the effective date

 Where can I find the new law?

New York City Passes Freelancer Wage Protection Law: "Freelance Isn't Free" Here’s the link:

http://legistar.council.nyc.gov/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=2530972&GUID=61F8754B-80AF-493E-895E-D6D17209776Ehttp://legistar.council.nyc.gov/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=2530972&GUID=61F8754B-80AF-493E-895E-D6D17209776E
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Roadluxtire
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October 10, 2017
nice article ... thanks for this informational post...

roadluxtire

What if My Boss Was a Strong Trump Supporter, but I voted for Hillary (or the Other Way Around)?
by cjleclaire
Jan 20, 2017 | 17205 views | 3 3 comments | 865 865 recommendations | email to a friend | print | permalink

by Bill Cafaro

What Rights Do I Have if This Causes Me a Problem at Work?

Employees of Private Businesses:

What about the First Amendment? Can’t I say whatever I want?

  • Yes, you can say anything you want under the First Amendment, but your boss is allowed to fire you or take action against you at work for it – Private Employees have no First Amendment protection against being fired or demoted under Federal Law.

Do I have Any Legal Protection at Work at All?

  • Yes, there is a New York State law that gives you some protection, Labor Law § 201-d. It says that no employer can discriminate in hiring, firing or conditions of employment against anyone for political activity.

What Political Activity is Protected?

  • running for public office,
  • campaigning for a candidate for public office, or
  • participating in fund-raising activities for a candidate, political party or political advocacy group.

Example: A records clerk for the Nassau County legislature was fired from his job less than four months after an election in which Republicans took control of the Legislature, and claimed that he had gone door to door for Democratic candidates, volunteered at phone banks, and distributing campaign literature.  The Legislature argued that it had let him go due to budget cuts, the fired clerk argued that the need for budget cuts arose only because the Legislature had hired three new employees—all Republican. His claim was valid Fishman v. County of Nassau, 2013 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 47071, 2013 WL 1339466 (E.D.N.Y. Apr. 1, 2013),

  • Absolutely not. Remember also that there will be generally little or no protection for any political activities conducted during work hours, on the employer’s premises, or using the employer’s equipment or materials; It gives you protection for what you do on your own time. Whether a simple one time statement of political affiliation at work is protected is not really clear from the law, and can probably be argued either way, but the more extensive the speech is at work, the better chance the boss will win. If the employee is wearing a campaign button for a particular candidate and the employer says to take it off, they should do it and put it back on when they leave work.

Remember – The General Rule is That There is No Free Speech Right When You Work for a Private (non-government) Employer on His Time. The law we’re talking about here provides some protection, but that protection is limited; it is by no means absolute.

Are Government Employees (Federal, State, City, County, etc.) Political Speech Rights Protected?

  •  Yes – They have much stronger federal law protection under the First Amendment. The First Amendment generally prohibits government officials from dismissing or disciplining an employee because of the employee’s engagement in political activity. One recent Supreme Court case,  Heffernan v. City of Paterson, 136 S. Ct. 1412  (U.S. 2016) protected a police officer who took a campaign sign for someone challenging the mayor to his disabled mother on his own time. The police chief, who had been appointed by the current mayor, demoted him. Even though he wasn’t campaigning himself and had no interest in the election, he was just doing a favor for his mother, he was protected, because to hold otherwise would frighten the other employees from exercising their political speech rights – what courts call a “chilling effect.”

But here are a few things to keep in mind:

  • The speech always has to be about a matter of public concern, and if it is, the employee’s right, as a citizen, to engage in the speech has to be weighed by the Court against the interests of the State, as an employer, in promoting the efficiency of the public services it performs, Pickering v. Bd. of Educ., 391 U.S. 563 (U.S. 1968).
  • This can also cover rights of political association; and
  • In order to be protected, it must generally be on the employee’s own time, without using the employer’s premises or materials; and
  • Anything a public employee says in the course of his/her employment will not be protected. Example: If an employee of the Mayor’s Office makes any statement on the news in his/her official capacity, the Mayor can fire or discipline them for anything they say or don’t say, whether it’s true or not. Remember also that policy making and confidential employees probably can be dismissed just based on their political affiliation where the employer can show that party affiliation is an appropriate requirement for the effective performance of the public office involved,  Vezzetti v. Pellegrini,22 F.3d 483, 1994 (2d Cir. N.Y. 1994).

If you have strong political views which are very different from those of your employer, you should probably avoid any confrontation and get legal advice first as to how to best protect yourself. Call the Law Offices of William Cafaro at 212-583-7400 before you take any action like this.

 

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haloween
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October 07, 2017

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